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No part of this publication may be reproducedor transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanicalwithout prior permission in writing from the publishers. Ethnic Nationalism vs. Apart from a few remarkableexceptions, such exchanges have tended to be dialogues of the deaf.

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Forthe sake of drawing a contrast with the present undertaking, let me illustratethis with an example from the not too remote past. Some of the authors of the papers collected in this volume may barelybe old enough to recall the full span of the controversy launched by thepublication of the three-volume History of Transylvania under the auspicesof the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in After the fall of communismin both countries inthe debate was indeed placed on a morescholarly plane.

Evidence was countered by evidence, but in what was stilla contest between one national phalanx and the other on issues that bothof them regarded as crucial to national fate.

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This probably looks like a caricature, and there was surely a lot ofgoodwill and true scholarship involved in the process, but as all caricatures,I believe it contains more than a grain of a realistic portrait. Scholarshipof this kind, even unwittingly, tends to assume a kind of negative7 elevance, underpinning and potentially amplifying the prejudices andstigmatization already all too prevalent in the reciprocal perceptions ofthe parties concerned.

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Against this background, it is particularly important and reassuringthat there are several scholars at both sides of the putative frontier, someof them at the very beginning of their careers, who are making efforts totranscend the limitations imposed by traditional patterns of inquiry andcommunication. It is an especial pleasure to see that the History Departmentof Central European University, as it was intended from the verybeginning of its existence, is developing as a natural home for such initiatives.

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Part of the CEU mission is to function as a laboratory in which themost up-to-date experience and achievement in the disciplines representedat CEU is tested against the particular predicament of the region andadjusted according to its needs, and to operate as a catalyst which, throughan active engagement with svájci grison anti aging increasing range of regional partners — suchas, in this case, the Teleki Institute —, helps the region to integrate withmore universal processes.

The architects of this volume and the svájci grison anti aging which it arises, have been active for a few years now in creatingnetworks for a new type of academic socialization while relying on a combinationof solid theoretical training and broad empirical investigation. Their ownindependent initiatives as well as their astonishingly rapid integration withlarger scale international schemes, such as the projects of the Center forDemocracy and Reconciliation in Southeast Europe, certainly bid well forthe enterprise.

This volume is the first token of their commitment anda convincing proof of their qualifications to cope with a formidable task.

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I am sure the reader will join me in wishing them — us — all success in it. On the one hand, a process of political democratization andintegration into Western economic and security institutions was initiated,stimulating a certain level of intra-regional collaboration as well.

On theother hand, the difficulties of the transition to market economy and parliamentarismled to a radicalization of ethno-populist movements, creatinga space for political groups who seek to exploit inter-ethnic tensions.

Furthermore,in spite of the cultural-political reorientation, inter-ethnic relationsand mutual perceptions have not been essentially modified: conflictinghistorical myths, prejudices, and negative stereotypes have survived unalteredand continue to characterize the collective identity discourses in theregion.

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The relationship between Romania and Hungary is illustrative inthis respect. At the interstate level, their bilateral relationship has undergonea spectacular evolution in the last decade, from intense diplomaticconflict to diplomatic collaboration and politico-military partnership. Thetwo countries have overcome their acute confrontation over the status ofthe Hungarian minority in Romania that reached its climax in the lates, the inter-ethnic violence in Tîrgu Mureº inas well as thefreezing of diplomatic contacts between andand have managedto build a more positive framework of cooperation.

Even if one can witness a certain setback in political collaborationin the lates, there are indications that the political elitesof the two countries have significantly restrained the nationalist side oftheir political agenda as far as foreign policy is concerned. Negativeclichés and reciprocal stigmatization continue to pervade the public memory,the political and the cultural discourse, as well as the academic productionof knowledge. In fact, while decision-makers in Romania andHungary became somewhat more conciliatory, one can witness an upsurgeof radical ethno-politics in both countries, triggering similar reactions inacademia, among cultural elites and — rather unexpectedly — among theuniversity youth, as well.

This creates a vast playground for politicians relyingon a nationalist symbolism to legitimize their political positions.

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What ismore, throughout the s, public opinion in both countries witnessed thereturn of virtual history asserting various forms of national and territorialcontinuities, pedigrees, historical precedence, etc. One of the main reasons for the lack of symbolic resources necessaryfor a large-scale intercultural dialogue is doubtlessly the limited impact onpublic opinion of those scholarly discourses that are transgressing the traditionalframework of the nation-state.

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At the academic level, the firstpost-communist decade was characterized by rather timorous attempts inthe fields of historiography and social sciences, such as sociology andcultural anthropology, to reconsider the socio-political and intellectualhistory of Romania and Hungary from updated theoretical and methodologicalperspectives. However, the critical revision of hegemonic historiographicalcanons through an inter-cultural dialogue and an effective renegotiationof the prominent identity-discourses of these cultures is an issuethat remains to be tackled in Hungary and Romania, and in the widerregion as well.

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As the Eastern European cultural space is marked by highly divergentnation-state centered narratives, most of the cooperative attempts inthe last decade resulted in a pastiche that did not problematize the broaderframeworks, but rather sought to accumulate various narratives andaccentuate their mind-boggling plurality and seeming incompatibility. Theonly way out of this deadlock is to promote scholarly enterprises thattransgress the traditional frameworks of cooperation and are based oncommon socialization.

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Throughout the region, there is an endemic lack ofinstitutions where a common academic socialization could happen. Among the few, Central European University in Budapest, Hungary —where most of the contributors to the present volume have studied or continuetheir studies — features prominently.

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To this end, the first part of the volume, entitled Modernity andNational Identity: Svájci grison anti aging, Dilemmas, Legacies, analyzes variousmodalities of the relationship of nationalism with other doctrines andvalue-systems such as liberalism, democracy, or moral universalism.

Thissection documents a significant shift in this relationship during the last years. The nineteenth century saw the parallel emergence of liberalismand nationalism; these two ideologies were not only compatible, but, incertain cases, mutually conditioned each other.

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